… Jemen: „State-building“ und politische Instabilität – Jemen: Frieden durch Gerechtigkeit – Inflation und saudische Blockade – US-Drohnenkrieg im Jemen – Satellitenbilder aus Aden zeigen Ausmaß von Covid-19 – und mehr
Oct. 29, 2020: Malnutrition surges in Yemen, especially among children – Funding the humanitarian response in Yemen – The looming SAFER tanker disaster – Yemen: State-building and political fragility – Pursuing peace by engaging justice in Yemen – Inflation and Saudi blockade – US drone war in Yemen – Satellite imagery of Aden indicates scale of pandemic – and more
Schwerpunkte / Key aspects
Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2: https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-690b-yemen-war-mosaic-690b
Klassifizierung / Classification
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavitrus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
cp1b Am wichtigsten: Großer Gefangenenaustausch / Most important: Great prisoner swap
cp2 Allgemein / General
cp2a Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade
cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation
cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees
cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis
cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen
cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks
cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia
cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf
cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain
cp11 Deutschland / Germany
cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries
cp12a Katar-Krise / Qatar crisis
cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade
cp13b Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage
cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy
cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism
cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids
cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War
cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle
cp19 Sonstiges / Other
Klassifizierung / Classification
(Kein Stern / No star)
? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating
A = Aktuell / Current news
B = Hintergrund / Background
C = Chronik / Chronicle
D = Details
E = Wirtschaft / Economy
H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions
K = Krieg / War
P = Politik / Politics
pH = Pro-Houthi
pS = Pro-Saudi
T = Terrorismus / Terrorism
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:
Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
(** B H)
JEMEN: MANGELERNÄHRUNG VON KINDERN WÄCHST DRAMATISCH
UN-ORGANISATIONEN WARNEN: IN TEILEN DES JEMEN IST SCHÄTZUNGSWEISE JEDES FÜNFTE KIND UNTER FÜNF JAHREN AKUT MANGELERNÄHRT UND BENÖTIGT DRINGEND HILFE.
In Teilen des Jemen wurden die höchsten Raten von akuter Mangelernährung bei Kindern unter fünf Jahren jemals verzeichnet. Insgesamt leiden mehr als eine halbe Million Kleinkinder im Süden des Landes an akuter Mangelernährung. Das geht aus einer von der Ernährungs- und Landwirtschaftsorganisation der Vereinten Nationen (FAO), dem Kinderhilfswerk der Vereinten Nationen (UNICEF), dem Welternährungsprogramm (WFP) und Partnern heute veröffentlichten Analyse zur akuten Mangelernährung, der sogenannten Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), hervor.
Die Untersuchung dokumentiert die Ernährungssituation in 133 Distrikten im Süden des Landes. Dort leben schätzungsweise 1,4 Millionen Kinder unter fünf Jahren.
In den am stärksten betroffenen Gebieten des südlichen Jemen ist etwa jedes fünfte Kind akut mangelernährt. Im Tiefland von Hodeidah ist mehr als jedes vierte Kind (27 Prozent) akut mangelernährt.
Im Jahr 2020 stieg die Zahl von akuter Mangelernährung bei unter 5-Jährigen um fast zehn Prozent.
Mit 15,5 Prozent ist der Anstieg von Kleinkindern mit schwerer akuter Mangelernährung in diesem Jahr am höchsten.
Ohne rasche Behandlung haben mindestens 98.000 Kinder unter fünf Jahren ein hohes Risiko an schwerer akuter Mangelernährung zu sterben.
Mindestens 250.000 schwangere oder stillende Frauen benötigen ebenfalls eine Behandlung wegen Mangelernährung.
Fortschritte im Kampf gegen Mangelernährung drohen verloren zu gehen
Seit vielen Jahren verzeichnet der Jemen einige der höchsten Raten von Mangelernährung weltweit. Bisher konnte humanitäre Hilfe zur Behandlung und Vorbeugung von Mangelernährung sowie die Bereitstellung von Soforthilfe für Lebensmittel eine Katastrophe verhindern.
Doch in diesem Jahr verschärfen die zunehmende Gewalt, der wirtschaftliche Niedergang sowie die Auswirkungen der Covid-19-Pandemie die Situation im Land. Hinzu kommt, dass viele Hilfsprogramme, unter anderem zu Ernährung sowie Wasser, Sanitär und Hygiene (WASH), durch Finanzierungsengpässe ausgesetzt werden mussten. Auch Programme zur Behandlung von Mangelernährung sind gefährdet, wenn nicht bald zusätzliche Mittel eingehen.
Die gemeinsame Analyse von FAO, UNICEF und WFP beleuchtet die Situation in 133 Distrikten im Süden des Jemen, in denen insgesamt 1,4 Millionen Kinder unter fünf Jahren leben. Die Daten für die Distrikte im Nordjemen werden derzeit noch ausgewertet. Es ist zu erwarten, dass die Situation in dieser Region gleichermaßen besorgniserregend ist.
(** B H)
Jemen immer schlimmer: Mangelernährung kleiner Kinder steigt
Die Vereinten Nationen warnen, dass nach neuen Schätzungen jedes fünfte Kind unter fünf Jahren in Teilen des Jemen akut mangelernährt ist und dringend behandelt werden muss. Die Mangelernährung nimmt im gesamten Süden des Landes zu.
Die akute Mangelernährung von Kindern unter fünf Jahren ist in Teilen Jemens auf dem höchsten Stand, der dort jemals gemessen wurde: In den südlichen Landesteilen gibt es mehr als eine halbe Million Fälle. Das geht aus den neuesten Ergebnissen der Analyse der akuten Mangelernährung im Rahmen der sogenannten „Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)“ hervor, die heute von der Ernährungs- und Landwirtschaftsorganisation der Vereinten Nationen (FAO), dem Kinderhilfswerk der Vereinten Nationen (UNICEF), dem UN World Food Programme (WFP) und Partnern veröffentlicht wurde.
Die Analyse bezieht sich auf 133 Bezirke im südlichen Teil des Jemens, wo 1,4 Millionen Kinder unter fünf Jahren leben und zeigt für 2020 einen fast zehnprozentigen Anstieg der akuten Mangelernährung. Die Anzahl der Kinder, die an schwerer akuter Mangelernährung (Severe Acute Malnutrition – SAM) leiden, ist dieses Jahr sogar um 15,5 Prozent gestiegen. Das bedeutet, dass mindestens 98.000 Kinder unter fünf Jahren ohne dringende Behandlung ihrer schweren akuten Mangelernährung hohes Risiko laufen, zu sterben.
Eine gefährliche Kombination aus Hungerursachen, allen voran Konflikte und der wirtschaftliche Niedergang, verschärft die Situation der Jüngsten im Jemen. In den am schlimmsten betroffenen Gebieten– Abyan-Tiefland (23%), Lahj-Tiefland (21%), Taiz-Tiefland (22%) – ist etwa jedes fünfte Kind akut mangelernährt. Im Tiefland von Hodeidah leidet sogar mehr als jedes vierte Kind akut Hunger (27%).
Auch mindestens eine Viertelmillion schwangere oder stillende Frauen benötigen eine Behandlung gegen ihre Mangelernährung. UN-Expert*innen gehen davon aus, dass die tatsächliche Zahl noch höher ist, da sich 2020 die Hungerursachen im Jemen weiter verschlimmert haben.
Der Jemen kämpft seit langem mit einer der größten Hungerkrisen der Welt. Bis jetzt hat die humanitäre Hilfe zur Behandlung und Prävention von Mangelernährung und Notrationen verhindern können, dass sich die Lage weiter verschlimmert. Doch 2020 gehen diese hart erkämpften Fortschritte wieder verloren. Eskalierende Konflikte, der wirtschaftlicher Niedergang und die überwältigenden Auswirkungen der COVID-19-Pandemie haben eine bereits erschöpfte Bevölkerung an den Abgrund gedrängt. Hinzu kommt, dass viele Hilfsprogramme, etwa Nahrungsmittelsoforthilfe und Sanitär- und Wasserversorgung, durch Finanzierungsengpässe unterbrochen wurden. Auch die Programme zur Behandlung von Mangelernährung sind gefährdet, wenn nicht bald zusätzliche Mittel bereitgestellt werden.
Diese Faktoren kommen zu jenen hinzu, die den Jemen historisch zu einem der schwierigsten Orte gemacht haben, um Kind oder Mutter zu sein: unzureichende und qualitativ schlechte Nahrungsmittelversorgung, hohe Verbreitung übertragbarer Krankheiten, verbreiteter Hunger, eingeschränkter Zugang zu Essen und Gesundheitsdiensten, schlechte sanitäre Einrichtungen und Hygiene und kein Zugang zu wichtigen Impfstoffen wie gegen Masern und Polio.
Daten für die übrigen Distrikte im Nordjemen werden noch analysiert. Es wird erwartet, dass die Situation in diesen Gebieten denselben Trends folgt und gleichermaßen besorgniserregend ist.
„Seit Juli warnen wir davor, dass der Jemen am Rande einer katastrophalen Hungerkrise steht. Wenn der Krieg nicht jetzt aufhört, nähern wir uns einer unumkehrbaren Situation und riskieren den Verlust einer ganzen Generation jemenitischer Kinder“, sagte Lise Grande, die Koordinatorin für humanitäre Hilfe im Jemen. „Die Daten, die wir heute veröffentlichen, bestätigen, dass die akute Mangelernährung bei Kindern den höchsten Stand seit Jahren erreicht hat.“
„Vor zwei Jahren konnten wir die schlimmste Hungersnot seit einer Generation zurückdrängen, indem wir den am schlimmsten betroffenen Gebieten und Familien im ganzen Land massive Hilfe zur Verfügung stellten und mit den Behörden zusammenarbeiteten, um die wirtschaftlichen Auslöser der Krise zu bewältigen“, sagte Grande. „Es ist furchtbar, dass wir, wenn die Menschen uns am meisten brauchen, nicht das tun können, was unbedingt nötig ist, weil uns die Mittel fehlen.“
„Das Leben tausender Kinder und Frauen steht auf dem Spiel. Akute Mangelernährung kann behandelt und ihr kann vorgebeugt werden, aber dafür müssen wir sofort handeln und dafür benötigen wir Unterstützung. Es sollte als sehr dringend angesehen werden, die notwendigen finanziellen Mittel bereitzustellen und Zugang zu Frauen und Kindern, die dringend Hilfe benötigen, zu gewährleisten“, sagte Philippe Duamelle, UNICEF-Vertreter im Jemen.
„Die sich verschlechternde Ernährungssituation, die in dieser jüngsten Analyse aufgezeigt wird, unterstreicht die dringende Notwendigkeit, sicherzustellen, dass jedes Mädchen, jeder Junge, jede Frau und jeder Mann im Jemen jetzt und in Zukunft Zugang zu einer gesunden und abwechslungsreichen Ernährung hat“, sagte Dr. Hussein Gadain, FAO-Vertreter im Jemen. „Das bedeutet den Aufbau, die Wiederherstellung und den Erhalt der Ernährungssysteme im Jemen, indem die Lebensgrundlagen der Menschen umgehend stärker geschützt werden müssen, damit sie auch in extremen Krisenzeiten abwechslungsreiches und nahrhaftes Essen produzieren, verkaufen und konsumieren können.“
„Der Teufelskreis von Konflikt und Hunger im Jemen fordert einen schrecklichen Tribut von denjenigen, die ohnehin schon am gefährdetsten sind. Steigende akute Mangelernährung gefährdet zu viele Frauen und Kinder. Die Folgen werden im Jemen über Generationen hinweg zu spüren sein. Wir können diesen verheerenden Trend stoppen. Es ist jetzt an der Zeit zu handeln“, sagte Laurent Bukera, WFP-Landesdirektor im Jemen.
Um Leben zu retten und eine weitere Verschlimmerung der Situation abzuwenden, benötigen die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Partner mehr als 50 Millionen US-Dollar für die sofortige und dringende Ausweitung ihrer Ernährungsprogramme. Dazu zählt auch die Behandlung von Kindern, die an schwerer akuter Mangelernährung leiden. Gleichzeitig werden auch Mittel zur Aufstockung von Nahrungsmittel-, Wasser-, Sanitär- und Gesundheitsprogrammen – einschließlich Impfungen –benötigt.
(** B H)
Malnutrition surges among young children in Yemen as conditions worsen
One in five children under five in parts of Yemen are estimated to be acutely malnourished and in urgent need of treatment as malnutrition cases increase across the south, UN agencies warn.
Acute malnutrition rates among children under five are the highest ever recorded in parts of Yemen, with more than half a million cases in southern districts, according to the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Acute Malnutrition analysis released today by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the World Food Programme (WFP) and partners.
The analysis – which is for 133 districts in southern parts of Yemen only, home to 1.4 million children under five – reveals a near 10 percent increase in cases of acute malnutrition in 2020. The greatest increase is in cases of young children suffering from severe acute malnutrition (SAM) with a 15.5 percent rise during 2020. This leaves at least 98,000 children under five at high risk of dying without urgent treatment for severe acute malnutrition.
A dangerous combination of factors, driven by conflict and economic decline, compound the situation for Yemen’s youngest children. In the worst hit areas included in this analysis — Abyan lowlands (23%), Lahj lowlands (21%), Taiz lowlands (22%)—around one in five children are acutely malnourished. In Hodeidah’s lowlands, more than one in four or 27% of children are acutely malnourished.
At least a quarter of a million pregnant or breastfeeding women are also in need of treatment for malnutrition. UN experts warn the actual number is likely higher as the drivers of malnutrition in Yemen have worsened in 2020.
Yemen has long battled with some of the highest malnutrition rates in the world. Until now, humanitarian interventions to treat and prevent malnutrition, as well as provide emergency food assistance, have prevented an even more severe deterioration. But in 2020, these hard-won gains are being lost. Escalating conflict and economic decline, plus the overwhelming impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, has pushed an already exhausted population to the brink. Add to this, many aid projects including emergency food assistance and WASH services have been disrupted by funding shortfalls. Malnutrition treatment programmes are also at risk if additional funds are not received soon.
These factors come on top of drivers that have historically made Yemen one of the hardest places to be a child or mother: insufficient and poor-quality diet; high prevalence of communicable diseases; elevated levels of food insecurity, limited access to nutrition and health services, poor sanitation and hygiene; and inability of many children to access to important vaccines, like measles and polio.
Data for the remaining districts in northern Yemen are still being analysed. The situation in these areas is expected to be equally concerning based on historical trends.
“We’ve been warning since July that Yemen is on the brink of a catastrophic food security crisis. If the war doesn’t end now, we are nearing an irreversible situation and risk losing an entire generation of Yemen’s young children,” said Ms. Lise Grande, the Humanitarian Coordinator for Yemen. “The data we are releasing today confirms that acute malnutrition among children is hitting the highest levels we have seen since the war started.”
“For the past two years, we’ve been able to roll-back the worst famine in a generation. We’ve done this by providing massive amounts of humanitarian assistance and working with authorities to stabilize the economic factors driving the crisis,” said Ms. Grande. “It’s heart-breaking that when people need us the most, we can’t do what’s necessary because we don’t have funding.”
“The lives of thousands of children and women are at stake. Acute malnutrition can be treated and prevented with a package of key services but for that we need urgent action and support. A great sense of urgency should prevail in making the necessary financial resources available and ensuring access to children and women in dire need of assistance”, said Philippe Duamelle, UNICEF Yemen Representative.
“The worsening nutrition situation flagged in this latest analysis highlights the urgent need to ensure that every Yemeni girl, boy, woman and man has access to a healthy and diverse diet now and in the future,” said Dr Hussein Gadain, FAO Representative in Yemen. “This means building, restoring and sustaining food systems in Yemen by immediately expanding efforts to protect people’s livelihoods and enabling them to produce, sell and consume diverse and nutritious foods even during times of extreme crisis.”
“The vicious cycle of conflict and hunger in Yemen is exacting a terrible toll on those who are already the most vulnerable. Rising rates of acute malnutrition put too many women and children at risk while the consequences will be felt by Yemen for generations to come. We can stop this devastating trend. The time to act is now,” said Laurent Bukera, WFP Country Director in Yemen.
To save lives and avert a further worsening of the situation, the United Nations and partners need more than USD 50 million to urgently scale up nutrition programmes, including
treatment for children suffering from severe acute malnutrition. At the same time, funding is also needed to scale-up food, water, sanitation and health programmes including immunization.
Yemen remains the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Nearly 80 per cent of the population – over 24 million people – require some form of humanitarian assistance and protection. By mid-October, only US$1.43 billion of the US$3.2 billion needed in 2020 has been received.
https://www.unicef.org/yemen/press-releases/malnutrition-surges-among-young-children-yemen-conditions-worsen-0 = https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/malnutrition-surges-among-young-children-yemen-conditions-worsen
(** B H)
Yemen: IPC Acute Food Insecurity Analysis – January – December 2020 (Issued October 2020)
How Severe, How Many and When: Over half a million cases of children aged 0 to 59 months, and more than a quarter of a million cases of pregnant and lactating women, are expected to suffer from acute malnutrition during the course of 2020. Out of the 19 zones included in the IPC Acute Malnutrition (IPC AMN) analysis, two zones are classified in Critical (IPC AMN Phase 4), eight in Serious (IPC AMN Phase 3) and the remaining zones in Alert (IPC AMN Phase 2) during the current period of January July 2020. The situation is expected to deteriorate further during the projection period of August – December 2020. A total of seven zones will likely move into a higher Phase, with 15 of the 19 zones in IPC AMN Phase 3 or IPC AMN Phase 4.
Where: In the current analysis period, Taizz Lowland and Hodeidah Lowland zones are classified in Critical (IPC AMN Phase 4). Abyan highland, Abyan Lowland, Aden, Marib City, Lahj Highland, Lahj Lowland, Taizz City and Taizz Highland zones are classified in Serious (IPC AMN Phase 3). The remaining zones: Al- Bahydha, Al-Dhalea, Al-Jawf, Marib Rural, Al-Maharah, Socotra, Hadramawt Coastal, Hadramawt valleys and desert, and Shabwah are classified in Alert (IPC AMN Phase 2). In the projection period (August – December 2020) the acute malnutrition situation is expected to deteriorate further from Alert (IPC AMN Phase 2) to Serious (IPC AMN Phase 3) in the Al-Jawf, Marib Rural, Socotra, Hadramawt Coastal, and Shabwah zones. Meanwhile, the Abyan Lowland and Lahj lowland zones are expected to move from Serious (IPC AMN Phase 3) to Critical (IPC AMN Phase 4). The situation will likely remain at Serious or Critical levels in the following zones: Abyan Highland, Aden, Marib City, Lahj Highland, Taizz City, Taizz Highland, Taizz Lowland, and Hodeidah Lowland.
Why: The major contributing factors to the acute malnutrition situation include: poor quality of foods consumed by children with <50% meeting minimum dietary diversity requirements, acute food insecurity (about 40% of households are facing high levels of acute food insecurity (IPC Phase 3) or worse), high prevalence of communicable diseases (according to the available data at least a quarter of all children are suffering from diarrhoea, malaria and Acute Respiratory Infections), and poor infant and young child feeding practices (less than 25% in many zones), which is all compounded by poor sanitation. Additionally, poor access to nutrition and health services, and poor immunization (measles and polio) coverage (around 60% in most zones) are also of concern. During the current analysis period (January – July 2020) – service access and utilization was affected by a number of factors including: floods, conflict,
Ramadan and Eid, the impact of COVID-19 travel restrictions, fear of beneficiaries to visit health facilities, and the suspension of some mobile and outreach services.
(** B H P)
Funding the Humanitarian Response in Yemen: Are donors doing their fair share?
Almost six years on from the escalation of conflict in March 2015, Yemen is in the midst of the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. There have been more than 12,000 civilian deaths due to airstrikes, fighting and indiscriminate shelling. More than 3.65 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and 24.3 million people – 80% of the Yemeni population – are in need of humanitarian assistance.
Yemen’s economy has been shattered by the ongoing conflict, and the COVID-19 pandemic has further worsened the situation. The Yemeni Riyal depreciated by approximately 12% in the first five months of 2020 alone. It continues to depreciate dramatically, particularly in the south of the country. A study undertaken for UNDP in 2019 estimated that $89bn had been lost in economic output as a result of the war, warning that by 2022 this could rise to $181bn if the conflict continues. Remittances, which made up 13% of the country’s GDP in 2019, have seen a dramatic decline related to the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Yemenis abroad.
In this context, humanitarian aid is a lifeline for millions of people in Yemen whose livelihoods have been destroyed. In 2018, an injection of humanitarian assistance is widely credited with having averted widespread famine in Yemen. However, with food insecurity on the rise, and INGOs and UN agencies once again warning of the risk of famine, the consequences of acting too late could be devastating.
It is clear that aid alone cannot put Yemen back on its feet. What is needed above all is a nationwide ceasefire, in order to allow for the resumption of negotiations towards an inclusive political settlement. However, while conflict continues, the aid provided by international donors continues to be essential for saving lives and delivering humanitarian assistance on the ground.
FUNDING FOR THE HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE
In June 2020, a donor conference for Yemen saw international governments pledge only $1.35bn, falling more than $1bn short of the $2.41bn target set by the UN and raising only half of what was raised in 2019. Aid organizations in Yemen are still waiting to see many of these pledges materialize, even with this drastically reduced figure. Currently, only $1.43bn of the $3.38bn requested for the 2020 Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan (YHRP) has been received.10 This means that almost 60% of the requirements of the plan remain unmet. In comparison, by this point last year, the response plan was already 65% funded.11 Yet almost three-quarters of the way through the year, in relative terms the 2020 YHRP is on track to finish the year as the worst funded in a decade – despite the fact that now, more than ever, Yemen is in dire need of donor assistance.
Not only is the 2020 YHRP the worst funded in relative terms since the conflict escalated in 2015, but it is indicative of an overall drop in funding for the humanitarian crisis in Yemen over recent years. Current funding levels for the YHRP so far in 2020 are almost half of what they were in 2018, and less than 40% of 2019’s total. Out of 20 of the most generous government donors12 to the humanitarian crisis in Yemen over the past three years, more than half of them have cut their funding by over a third since 2019; five of them have failed to provide any direct assistance at all to the YHRP so far this year.
full document: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/bn-funding-humanitarian-response-yemen-271020-en.pdf and https://policy-practice.oxfam.org.uk/publications/funding-the-humanitarian-response-in-yemen-are-donors-doing-their-fair-share-621083
(** B H P)
Yemen’s FSO SAFER: A Looming Environmental Disaster
The SAFER, containing an estimated 1.148 million barrels of light crude oil, was flagged in 2015 as a potential threat when maintenance halted due to Yemen’s civil war, according to the Conflict and Environment Observatory (CEOBS). The ageing supertanker, which was turned into an FSO in the 1980s, is idling in a corrosive environment, suffering from leakage and broken equipment, according to the maritime consultancy I.R. Consilium. A major oil spill could occur if the tanker is left in its current condition, even an explosion is possible due to its deteriorating status, researchers have reiterated on various occasions. A plethora of reports, including from the United Nations, warn of its detrimental impact on the lives of millions of people, the ecosystems in the Red Sea, and shipping. Experts monitoring the SAFER have called it a “floating bomb”.
Why has no solution been implemented yet despite the abundance of information on the risks posed by the SAFER? And what needs to be done to avoid a possible catastrophe?
“Impossible to Isolate the SAFER from the Wider Conflict”
Laleh Khalili, a professor of international politics at Queen Mary University of London and author of Sinews of War and Trade: Shipping and Capitalism in the Arabian Peninsula, noted that the Yemeni conflict and its ramifications have contributed to the SAFER’s situation. “The initial blockade of Yemen by the Saudi-UAE coalition, and later the Houthi resistance to external involvement in securing the vessel have all been factors,” she said.
“The SAFER has become the Houthis’ strongest weapon in the conflict,” said Yemeni activist and economic researcher Abdulwahed al-Obaly, who is also a former SEPOC employee. However, he noted that the other combatants in the war “and the United Nations” also bear responsibility “because they are playing a role in perpetuating the war.”
Doug Weir, a research and policy director at the Conflict and Environment Observatory (CEOBS), which in May 2018 raised the alarm over the risks posed by the FSO, explains that the SAFER crisis cannot be separated from the wider conflict that has killed nearly 112,000 people, according to UN figures.
“Had Yemen been at peace, then maintenance of the SAFER would have continued and, while SEPOC would still be facing questions over the lifespan and safety of the vessel, any risks would have been more manageable,” he noted. Weir is one of many researchers who highlighted the risks of the SAFER for years.
“From what we have seen, the Houthis must bear primary responsibility for the delays to date. Nevertheless, it’s impossible to isolate the case of the SAFER from the wider conflict, which of course has framed and informed the political strategy of the Houthis,” Weir added.
Researchers studying the impact of armed conflicts have also noted how the SAFER and its environmental risks are being used as leverage to score political and military gains. “This large oil storage tanker has become an example of how the risk of an environmental disaster is used as a negotiation tool in a conflict already responsible for grave humanitarian consequences,” said Wim Zwijnenburg, a humanitarian disarmament project leader at PAX, a Dutch peace organization – by Noam Raydan
(** B P)
A STALEMATE IN YEMEN JEOPARDIZES THE FUTURE OF THE RED SEA
If the catastrophe happens between now and May of 2021, this is how it is likely to play out.
The SAFER, a 45-year-old tanker converted to a floating storage and offloading facility (FSO) and permanently moored less than five miles off the Ras Isa on the Red Sea coast of Yemen, holds an estimated 1.14 million barrels of crude oil. It is also falling apart.
The SAFER is, indisputably, a disaster waiting to happen. It is beyond repair. One way or another, sooner rather than later, it is going to spill its cargo. The technicians on the small team still managing to hold the vessel together have made it clear that technical skills are no longer enough. Despite these warnings and despite protracted negotiations, no outside team of inspectors or salvage operators has yet been allowed aboard. Complicating matters, the SAFER is afloat in an area controlled by the Houthis, while the vessel and the pipeline to which it is connected are owned and operated by a state company of the Hadi government. The Houthis have had their reasons for not wanting the United Nations or other international actors to “solve” this situation. Chief among these is concern that the oil onboard the SAFER, and the revenues it represents, will be taken away. Progress has at times seemed tantalizingly close, only to have negotiations break down. Many looking on, within the Red Sea region and without, oscillate between a sense of urgency and feelings of futility and impending doom.
The SAFER crisis initially posed a classic collective action dilemma.
But recent events, including the incident in the engine room in May, have highlighted the urgency of the situation. All the key stakeholders in negotiations now know the scope of the danger, and how disastrous a turn the crisis will take if a solution is not found.
And there is a solution—a simple, straightforward way to avert disaster. A seaworthy supertanker could be brought in to replace the SAFER, and a salvage operation could then transfer the FSO’s cargo to the new vessel, which would remain off Ras Isa until disputes over ownership and revenues can be resolved.
The technical challenges of this project are complicated but not excessively difficult. There is no need to conduct, as has been suggested, a global search for a team of experts; major salvage and oilfield services firms exist that could undertake this operation. Reliable Very Large Crude Carriers (VLCCs)—capable of holding over two million barrels of oil—can be sourced and outfitted appropriately. The salvage operation would take time, perhaps over a month to complete safely, but it is highly doable. There are, however, significant safety risks, some of which are literally floating through this conflict zone.
In that regard, preventing a catastrophic spill should be the priority, but working to do so is not mutually exclusive with establishing an effective response. There is no reason why, with proper safety and security measures, the area around the SAFER should not be boomed now.
Amid all the negotiations, calls for action, news stories and global developments, the SAFER continues to deteriorate. The window for a solution is short. But the chance is here to build and sustain confidence through an effective process that accomplishes the shared need of all stakeholders: to prevent a catastrophic spill. Among the crises facing the world at this moment, the SAFER is one that can be resolved – by David Soud, Ian M. Ralby, Rohini Ralbym Alia Eshaq, Luai Eshaq
(** B P)
Legacies of state-building and political fragility in conflict-ridden Yemen: Understanding civil service change and contemporary challenges
Constitutional, economic and administrative reforms have generated debates about their unintended consequences in poor and developing countries, and the best way to steer them towards better outcomes. In-depth case study analysis helps in tailoring future reforms and enriches academic literature on countries faced with the complex and intertwined problems of fragility, traditional actors, state building and donor involvement. This paper aims at examining the legacies of state-building and civil service reforms in Yemen by providing a narrative of motivations, outcomes as well as the involved politics and actors. Yemen’s state institutions have evolved from times of colonization and isolation to pass through centralization in the two-state era, reunification, decentralization and reorientation towards merit-based bureaucracy. Yemen’s reform experiences did not result in well-performing administrative and civil service institutions while they were often ad hoc, rushed or born out of political circumstances and donors’ pressure. Alongside the devastating civil war, contemporary state-building challenges result from legacies of reform failures. Current problems are exacerbated by long-standing policies of patronage, but they are also a reflection of the difficult reality of dominance of tribal elites, lack of capacities, interference from regional powers, and disagreements about the future shape of the Yemeni state.
Public administration in the relatively young modern state of Yemen has been weak. Moreover, it has recently been facing additional, significant hurdles related to instability and (internal) conflicts. Even before the current-armed conflict, state fragility, ineffective and poorly performing institutions, and malfunctions such as corruption represented important challenges for public administration. As a result, civil service reforms as well as administrative reforms on the operational level have largely been intertwined with the performance of the underlying administrative systems and the outcomes of the overall political system. In fact, this is not surprising as the political-administrative context or the larger socio-political and economic context are often a determinant for the success of civil service reforms even in well developed countries.
This paper links civil service change to state-building legacies in the modern history of Yemen. However, such reforms can be generally difficult to study in some contexts of developing countries. On the broader level, studies on reforms in public sector management in developing countries need to tackle some inherent problems such as measurement of results, contextual fits, uncertainty in reform process, role of donors and the political economy of targeted institutions and regimes (Brinkerhoff & Brinkerhoff, 2015). In fact, public administration reforms in some developing regions, e.g. African countries, have been radical and are often delayed until the occurrence of a fiscal crisis or a noticeable deterioration of public services (Batley & Larbi, 2004). Further, many bureaucracies in developing countries exhibit specific problems such as the spread of corruption which is closely related to the lack of meritocratic recruitment (Dahlström et al., 2012).
State-building in Yemen is still underway, and public institutions have been through much turmoil and various transitions since independence. After the isolation and domination period under the British and Imamate rules, centralisation was predominant in the two-state era, and since the 1990s, decentralisation and liberalisation efforts followed. Federalism and regional institutions are currently under debate as to whether they are the right choice for the future of Yemen in the post-war period. This paper aims at examining administrative and civil service reform legacies in Yemen and linking these legacies to current challenges of state-building and post-conflict reconstruction. It uses descriptive-narrative analysis by highlighting and modelling the different phases of reforms in terms of motivation, actions, actors and outcomes. Such a case study analysis enriches the academic literature on public administration reforms in developing countries under unique settings such as political fragility, conflicts in state-building (and state reunification) processes, and the role of traditional actors – by Mohammad Al-Saidi
(** B K P)
Pursuing Peace by Engaging Justice in Yemen
Why raise the issue of transitional justice in the middle of an ongoing, seemingly-stalled war in Yemen? Transitional justice is associated, not incorrectly, with periods of post-conflict or post-authoritarian transitions to more open societies and accountable state institutions. In her genealogy of the concept of transitional justice, however, Ruti Teitel has argued that we have arrived at “steady state” entrenchment of transitional justice such that it is increasingly common to see justice measures implemented in the midst of ongoing conflict. This has allowed some practitioners to approach transitional justice instrumentally as one of several tools in the peace-broker’s toolkit. It might be seen as a means of unfreezing frozen conflicts like the war in Yemen.
September’s call by the UN Human Rights Commission for the UN Security Council to refer parties to the Yemen War to the International Criminal Court on the basis of alleged war crimes is a demonstration of one such effort to apply this tool. Lodging transitional justice’s peacebuilding power in international criminal justice, however, draws on only one relatively narrow conception of justice. Alone, it may help to promote a cessation of hostilities and break the stalemate of this frozen conflict; but unless peace-brokers recognize and draw more genuinely on some of the everyday peacebuilding done by Yemenis in their local communities, it is unlikely to produce a more durable transformation of the conflict and could even jeopardize such work by hardening lines that can be more fluid on the ground.
Opportunities (missed) for meaningful transitional justice in Yemen
The ICC is not the only path, nor is this the first or only way, in which Yemenis have engaged with the question of transitional justice. Before considering the role that transitional justice might or might not be able to play in conflict transformation in Yemen, it is worth briefly reviewing some examples from Yemen’s near-past of justice efforts that were denied or derailed.
The aftermath of the 2011 uprising in Yemen presented an opportunity for justice following decades of increasing repression and civil disorder; that opportunity was quickly undermined, however, by features of an externally-brokered agreement and its political capture by partisan elites with little incentive to adopt meaningful changes. The transitional framework itself prioritized a smooth transfer of power in an effort to avoid the development of a larger-scale civil war such as the one that appeared to be developing in Syria at the time. The agreement’s text made only one explicit mention of transitional justice, and framed it not as an effort to establish accountability for past crimes but as a forward-looking means to “ensure that violations of human rights and humanitarian law do not occur in future”
Victim-Centeredness and the Work of Everyday Peacebuilding
If it is unlikely to produce a peace divided through international criminal justice, how might a more genuine engagement with transitional justice help Yemen to break out of frozen conflict? One way would be to focus on indigenous peacebuilding, rather than external peace-brokering. The forward-looking purpose of criminal liability is designed to compel negotiations at the top and deter additional atrocities by warring antagonists. But this is still a top-down approach that understands peace as beginning with the cessation of war. There are developments ongoing during the war itself that serve the purposes of social cohesion and community reconciliation and do some of the identity work that is associated with post-conflict social re-learning and conflict transformation. These developments range from local efforts at documentation that contribute to preservative justice; to commemorative work by artists that constitute forms of acknowledgement; to local service provision and conflict mediation that address the need for material and symbolic justice in the absence of fully functioning state institutions.
That this work is going on during the war is remarkable, but it is under-remarked: international peace-brokers at the UN level, especially, focus narrowly on the warring antagonists and overlook the everyday peacebuilding work in which Yemenis are already engaged. As McEvoy and McConnachie argue, justice work not only needs to be more victim-centered, but it needs a more complex understanding of victimhood and perpetration that originates not in listening to or speaking for, but speaking to those in affected communities. This is essential, they argue, for maximizing victim agency in transitional justice praxis. It is not enough to “listen” to non-combatant Yemenis about what they need or look for from a negotiated peace. Instead, peace-brokers need to be speaking to everyday peacebuilders who are doing this work already.
The challenge now is to both recognize this work as substantive peacebuilding and better align formal diplomatic approaches with that work. This is essential in the context of a conflict like the one in Yemen which appears frozen at the formal diplomatic level and unresolvable through military means alone. It was an organization of Yemeni mothers of abductees that ultimately broke the stalemate over a long-stalled prisoner exchange in October, highlighting the capacities of non-combatant civil actors to move the needle on this frozen conflict. More genuine integration of Yemen’s civil actors – their claims, their research, and their practical capacities – would be consistent with a more victim-centered approach to transitional justice that expands the agency of those who have suffered in Yemen’s civil war. Such an approach requires that peace-brokers recognize first and foremost the work of myriad Yemeni peace-builders and learn from them – by Stacey Philbrick Yadav
and by the same author on this subject: https://www.yemenpolicy.org/no-justice-no-peace-securing-a-just-end-to-war-in-yemen/
(** B E P)
Yemen currency war sees inflation spiral as Saudi-led fuel siege intensifies
As fighting has lessened in recent months, Yemenis say the economic war being waged is just as devastating
While the violence of the war in Yemen generally captures the headlines, and has lessened in recent months, escalating in the background is an economic battle that has further impacted the suffering of many Yemenis.
In January, Houthi authorities banned the circulation in their areas of new currency printed by the government-run Central Bank in Aden, essentially creating two central banks competing for control over the Yemeni rial.
The ensuing dual monetary policies has led to different exchange rates between Sanaa and Aden which, according to the Sanaa Center, had reached a record high by the end of August, with the rial valued at 33 percent less in government areas than in Houthi areas.
The rial is currently trading at YR625 to the dollar in Sanaa, while in Aden the rial has reached YR830 to the dollar.
Prices of goods have skyrocketed in government areas due to the currency collapse.
For their part in the economic battle, the Saudi-led coalition, which supports the internationally recognised government in Aden, has stopped issuing clearances for fuel ships to offload in the port of Hodeidah, which is under the control of the Houthis.
According to an oil company in Sanaa, some fuel ships received approval from the United Nations a few months ago, but the coalition did not allow them to dock at the strategic port and only a few have been offloaded.
This Saudi-led siege has led to a severe fuel crisis in Houthi-controlled areas and almost all petrol stations were closed last week.
Fuel was available on the black market for prices of up to YR20,000 ($32) for 20 litres of petrol, while it costs just YR7,000 ($11) in public petrol stations.
The currency ban and blockade of Hodeidah have had a profound effect on the lives of Yemenis.
Ghalab Mushir, 45, a plumber in Taiz and a breadwinner for his seven family members, confirmed to Middle East Eye that the battles around the divided city had almost stopped amid a de-escalation in military activity.
However, Mushir said: “I believe that the warring sides are using a new war which is more dangerous than the military one.
“The military war is useless for warring sides as they lose fighters, money and by the end they may not advance.”
He explained that since the Houthis‘ rejection of the new banknotes, prices have been steadily increasing in the markets and many people cannot afford to buy enough food.
“The Houthis rejected the new banknotes as a kind of economic battle and they succeeded in this battle to deprive millions of Yemenis from getting enough food,” said Mushir.
“I myself used to buy fruit, meat and fish for my family, but nowadays I can hardly provide my family with basic food.”
Since the collapse of the currency in pro-government areas, the price of 50kg of wheat has increased from YR11,000 ($13) to YR17,000 ($20), while all other items have witnessed a 50 percent price rise at least.
Mushir blamed the Yemeni government for the people’s suffering as they had issued the new banknotes that the Houthis refused to accept and this had led to the increase in food prices.
“I hope that the government solves the problem of the currency as the prices are increasing and people do not have a source of incomes to face this increase,” he said.
Abdul Rahman Haroon, a trader in Taiz, confirmed that many people could not afford to buy food amid the price increases, but said that there was nothing they can do.
“We fixed the prices in US dollars and when the exchange rate changes the prices are changing accordingly,“ Haroon told MEE.
„This is to avoid a loss as it isn’t safe to deal in the Yemeni rial. We buy the goods in USD so the prices don’t increase but the Yemeni rial has collapsed.”
Haroon said that many people who used to buy a whole sack of flour now only buy in kilos as they can’t afford a sack.
“Also we stopped lending to people as that will lead to our loss. When I lend to someone today and he pays me back after a month, the prices won’t be the same then,” he said.
On the other side of the economic conflict is the Saudi-led coalition’s blockade of Hodeidah.
Earlier this month, all petrol stations in Houthi-controlled areas were closed and the price of 20 litres of petrol increased to up to YR20,000 ($32) on the black market.
On Friday, some petrol stations reopened after a fuel ship offloaded in Hodeidah. But the queues for petrol stretched as far as the eye could see and drivers spent the night in their cars queuing in order to be allowed to obtain just 30 litres.
A source at an oil company in Sanaa, who wished to remain anonymous, told MEE: “[The Saudi-led coalition] and the government are besieging Yemenis by preventing fuel ships from offloading in Hodeidah.
“This is a kind of economic siege that the aggressor countries have been imposing on Yemen since 2015.”
Hisham Safwan, who used to work in a government bank and now owns a currency exchange company, told MEE that the economic war in Yemen was not new, as it had been happening since 2015, but that nowadays it was more visible.
“The economic siege of Yemen, the closure of the ports, the prevention of dealing with the newly issued banknotes, all these are a kind of economic war,“ he said.
“If the fighting will impact specific people in some areas, the economic war will affect the whole population of the country.”
(** B K P)
Trump may have bombed Yemen more than all previous US presidents combined, new report finds
President Donald Trump may have ordered more attacks in Yemen than all previous US presidents combined, according to a report from the monitoring group Airwars.
While campaigning against „forever wars,“ Trump has loosened rules of engagement in the global war on terror, dramatically escalating airstrikes and ground raids in Yemen and elsewhere.
The most intense period of US strikes came in 2017, Trump’s first year in office, beginning with a commando raid that left an 8-year-old girl dead.
„Earlier on in his presidency, we saw record numbers of both airstrikes and reported civilian harm in multiple theaters, fueled by Trump’s stated intent to ‚take the gloves off‘ against terror groups,“ Chris Woods, director of Airwars, told Business Insider.
Trump is not the first president to bring the US-led war on terror to Yemen — American cluster bombs killed 35 women and children during Obama’s presidency — but data collected by Airwars and the UK-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism suggest he is a more prolific bombardier than his predecessor.
In 2017, the US admitted to carrying out 133 attacks in Yemen, the vast majority airstrikes, compared to just 150 confirmed strikes between all of 2002 and 2017. Clandestine strikes by the Central Intelligence Agency mean all figures come with an asterisk, but there was undeniable intensity to the attacks ordered in Trump’s first year, most likely a product of a new president and his „considerable loosening of the rules of engagement,“ Airwars said in its report.
US strikes in Yemen have dropped off since then, to less than 40 in 2019 to less than 20 thus far this year. Does that mean, then, that President Trump is backing up his rhetoric against „forever wars“ with measurable actions?
Not so fast, Chris Woods, director of Airwars, told Business Insider. It may just be that, from the perspective of US national security officials, record-breaking airstrikes before have lessened the need for more airstrikes now. There is, also, a pandemic.
At the same time, the US government, under Trump, is being less transparent about who and what is bombing. In response to criticism of its campaign of extrajudicial killings, the Obama administration published, just hours before Trump’s inauguration, a report detailing both the number of US airstrikes abroad and the reported civilian harm they caused. The current administration has never published such a report since, transparency only coming in piecemeal form as a result of congressional action demanding it.
In 2019, the Department of Defense stopped even saying how many airstrikes it had carried out in Yemen, granted a lack of transparency usually reserved for the CIA.
„Donald Trump’s wars represent a paradox,“ Woods said. „While currently we’re seeing some of the lowest numbers of US airstrikes in years across major theaters, including Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria … this is a pretty recent phenomenon. Earlier on in his presidency, we saw record numbers of both airstrikes and reported civilian harm in multiple theaters, fueled by Trump’s stated intent to ‚take the gloves off‘ against terror groups.“
(* B K P)
New report exposes secret US drone strikes in Yemen
The report found that US strikes and raids in Yemen since Trump came into office have killed at least 86 civilians, including 28 children and 13 women.
When Airwars contacted the US military with evidence of these incidents, the US declined to respond. Instead, officials confirmed that there is no functioning civilian casualty monitoring cell covering Yemen operations within the US Department of Defense. The DoD claimed there were zero civilian deaths in both its 2018 and 2019 reports to Congress.
The failure to carry out adequate post-strike investigations was just one of a series of criticisms levelled at the US drone programme by a German court in a landmark decision in March 2019. The case, brought on behalf of Faisal bin ali Jaber, a Yemeni engineer who lost family members to a strike in August 2012, marked the first time a European country has been found to play an essential role in US drone strikes. The court’s decision, which held that Germany must do more to ensure its territory is not used by the US to carry out unlawful drone strikes in Yemen, is set to be heard on appeal at Germany’s highest Administrative Court on November 25.
Jennifer Gibson, who leads Reprieve’s work on drone strikes, said: “These findings paint a shocking picture of a US administration gone rogue in Yemen, so unconcerned with accountability that they haven’t even allocated a desk to track how many civilians their missiles kill. This shadowy assassination programme makes none of us safer, and is causing irreparable harm.”
Comment by Iona Craig (thread): A reflection on why data like this matters. Meet the children who survived US – Obama & Trump – attacks in Yemen. Sumayah, 8 yrs-old when we met, the only surviving member of her family. A 2009 US cluster bomb killed her parents, 2 sisters and 1 brother when she was 9 months-old.
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
(** B H)
Grave-counting satellite images seek to track Yemen’s COVID death toll
A first-of-its-kind study using satellite images to count fresh graves and analyse burial activity in Yemen has estimated the death toll there from COVID-19 or COVID-related causes is far higher than official government figures suggest.
Using high-resolution satellite imagery, researchers at the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine (LSHTM) analysed burial activity at all identifiable cemeteries in Yemen’s Aden region and calculated an estimated 2,100 “excess deaths” during the COVID-19 outbreak between April and September.
“This total is best interpreted as the net sum of deaths due to COVID-19 infection and deaths indirectly attributable to the pandemic,” they said. The indirect deaths would be those caused by disruptions to health services or by measures which may have caused problems accessing food, they added.
Humanitarian and global health experts had expected the COVID-19 pandemic’s impact on Yemen to be severe, not least because the country’s five-year conflict has disrupted already weak health services and led to overcrowding, food insecurity and shrinking humanitarian aid.
But as of 25 October 2020, Yemen, which reported its first confirmed COVID-19 case on April 10, had recorded only 2,064 infections with 600 deaths from the disease.
Francesco Checchi, who co-led the study, noted that having an accurate picture of COVID-19’s impact “is vital for effective government and humanitarian responses”.
“By estimating excess mortality, we aimed to develop a more accurate estimate of the toll of COVID-19 in Yemen,” he said.
The researchers, whose findings have yet to be peer-reviewed by other experts, also cited other material as supporting their estimates.
In May, videos posted on social media and information from informants reported high numbers of fresh graves, suggesting a spike in burial activity, they said, adding: “The use of mechanical excavators in place of human gravediggers suggested that demand exceeded routine capacity.”
During the same period, the global medical charity Médecins sans Frontières reported a peak in hospital admissions, with a very high case-fatality ratio, and media said a shortage of personal protective equipment had forced several hospitals to close or reject patients with COVID-19-like symptoms.
The research, funded by aid from the UK government, was led by LSHTM and the technology company Satellite Applications Catapult, which specialises in geospatial analysis.
“Though our method cannot distinguish direct from indirect virus deaths, estimating excess mortality attributable to the COVID-19 pandemic in a humanitarian setting captures the whole system impact,” said Emilie Koum Besson, who co-led the work – by Kate Kelland
(** B H)
Satellite imagery of Aden indicates scale of pandemic in Yemen
The researchers used satellite pictures, official data sources and interviews with researchers in Aden city to quantify burial activity across all the identifiable cemeteries within the Aden governorate.
The team found that between April and September 2020 there were about 2,100 excess deaths in the area, against an expected baseline of about 1,300 deaths.
The findings represent the first significant quantitative data on Yemen’s Covid-19 outbreak, and should assist pandemic response planning and other vital humanitarian interventions. A similar project by the same team is under way in Somalia.
The lead author, Emilie Koum Besson, from the London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, said: “In a context like Yemen statistics are unreliable or just projections, and even actors on the ground have difficulty collecting accurate data.
“You can say x or y about the pandemic, but if there’s no data for it you can’t really know the impact. Using satellite imagery to create public health data is a very new science and we hope it will prove to be useful in places affected by conflict.”
While the official total number of coronavirus cases is just 2,060, and deaths are put at 599 to date, testing capabilities are almost non existent. A study published in July also found that at least 97 Yemeni healthcare workers had already died of the disease, a number suggesting the true caseload and mortality figure was far higher than recorded.
While the peak of the pandemic appears to have passed in the city of Aden, healthcare and aid workers are worried that the disease is exacerbating or obscuring other pressing issues for Yemen’s vulnerable population – by Bethan McKernan
One new case of coronavirus reported, 1,366 in total
Four coronavirus patients recovered in Aden and Hadramout
Yemen COVID-19 Preparedness and Response Snapshot – As of 24 October 2020
As of 24 October, the number of reported confirmed COVID-19 cases in Yemen had reached 2,064 with 601 associated deaths and 1,361 recoveries. Over the past four weeks, only 30 new confirmed cases, 13 deaths and 99 recoveries were reported. While the number of cases reported continues to show a decline, indicators suggest that the virus is still spreading and the number of confirmed cases and deaths reported are an underestimate. A lack of testing facilities and official reporting, people delaying seeking treatment because of stigma, difficulty accessing treatment centres and the perceived risks of seeking care, are some of the reasons behind the low number of reported cases. The COVID-19 response continues to focus on testing, surveillance and case management.
COVID-19 Movement Restrictions: Yemen Mobility Restriction Dashboard #14 (21 October 2020)
15 new cases – 06 new deaths | source: WHO
• Updates on numbers of new cases in areas controlled by Sana’a DFA are not available.
• 505 migrants arrived at southern governorates (Shabwah and Lahj).
• 02 IDP Households reported COVID-19 as the reason of displacement. So far, the total number of IDPs who have cited COVID-19 as the primary reason for displacement is 1,550 households (see RDT Dashboard for more information).
In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the local authorities of Yemen declared a nationwide health emergency and introduced many preventative measures similar to those adopted by rest of the world starting in March 2020 in order to reduce the transmission of COVID-19.
Neither new Covid-19 cases nor deaths nor recoveries reported
Yemen WASH Cluster COVID-19 Bulletin, 1 October 2020
WASH is a key preventative measure in reducing the spread of COVID-19 and is one of the principal public health recommendations.
The severity of the current response to COVID-19 poses grave detrimental impacts on WASH service provision and sustainability if not adequately mitigated. Equitable access to WASH commodities and services must be protected and extended for all, without any form of discrimination by nationality, income or ethnicity.
(* B H)
80 Millionen Babys haben Polio-Impfung wegen Corona verpasst
Aufgrund der Coronavirus-Pandemie haben nach Angaben der Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO) vermutlich 80 Millionen Babys unter einem Jahr in diesem Jahr keine Impfung gegen Polio erhalten.
cp2 Allgemein / General
(* A K P)
Interactive Map of Yemen War
(* A K)
MILITARY SITUATION IN YEMEN ON OCTOBER 28, 2020 (MAP UPDATE)
MAP COMPARISON: DEVELOPMENT OF MILITARY SITUATION IN YEMEN IN 2015-2020
YEMENI FORCES PUSH SAUDI PROXIES OUT OF MADGHAL DISTRICT OF MARIB PROVINCE (MAP UPDATE)
MILITARY SITUATION IN YEMEN ON OCTOBER 25, 2020 (MAP UPDATE)
Military Situation In Yemen On October 25, 2020 (Map Update)
(B K P)
Film: Argentinian activist: Stop the war in Yemen
(* B P)
Yemen: 44 journalists have been killed in the last ten years; perpetrators remain unpunished
Forty-four journalists were killed in Yemen between 2010 and September 2020, many of whom lost their lives since the outbreak of fighting between the Houthis, the Yemeni government forces supported by the Saudi led-coalition and al-Qaida. According to the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate (YJS), none of the perpetrators has been brought to justice.
The bloody conflict, political instability, the multiplicity of actors in the absence of state authority, but also the growing hostility towards the press and journalists have contributed to enshrining the impunity of the perpetrators of these crimes.
Most of the perpetrators are involved in the ongoing war in Yemen, which started in 2015. The situation of impunity is fostered by the absence of an independent judiciary and inadequate security conditions.
In addition to the killings, Yemeni media workers suffer arbitrary detentions, injuries and threats on a daily basis. They often face media restrictions or closures and self-censorship out of fear of reprisals. They are regularly prevented from covering news and face the suspension of their salaries. Yemeni media has become highly polarised along political and sectarian lines and media professionals are considered by the warring factions as the enemy.
The latest YJS‘ report on the state of media freedom in the country lists 88 attacks against journalists and media from January to end of September 2020. The crimes range from targeted killings, imprisonment, attacks on media houses, shutdown of media and confiscation of newspapers to death threats, harassment and assaults.
Most of these violations were committed by the armed groups and states involved in the war. The YJS cites both the Yemen’s internationally recognised government of President Hadi and the Houthis, who lead the de facto government in Sana’a, as those mainly responsible for the attacks against media workers this year.
Abductees Mothers and Women4Yemen
Joint statement commenting on the implementation of the Geneva Agreement
During the implementation stages of the Geneva Agreement, (141) had been released by the Houthi group and detained for periods varying between three and five years due to their political views and affiliations, and (2) the legitimate government had arrested and detained them for a period ranging between two and three years On Thursday, October 15, 2020, in the simultaneous exchange between Sanaa and Seiyun, and released (40) the Houthi group had kidnapped and detained them for a period ranging between three and four years, on Friday, October 16, 2020 in the simultaneous exchange between Aden and Sanaa, of those documented by the Abductees Mothers Association. (full text (Arabic) in image)
Human rights groups demand UNSC pressure for release of female detainees
A group of human rights organizations called in a joint statement for release of illegal female detainees with no preconditions.
Association of Female Relatives to Abductees and Women Network for Yemen said in the statement that 1,270 detainees remain in custody and disappearance by the Houthis and ten others held in detention by the government forces.
Both organizations called on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to separate the file of civilian detainees from military prisoners and to release them soon with no preconditions.
They called for more pressures to disclose locations of enforced disappeared people and bring perpetrators to justice.
They called for providing psychological support to the released people and support them to access economic opportunities.
(* B H K P)
Corona-Pandemie verschärft die Katastrophe im Jemen
Im kriegsgeschundenen Jemen entfaltet die Corona-Pandemie ihr wohl mörderischstes Potential. Ärzte berichten von einer Todesrate von 20 bis 30 Prozent aller Infizierten.
Würde es nach den Rechtsgrundsätzen und Kriterien der Nürnberger Prozesse gehen, dann müssten die Politiker, die für die im Jemen begangenen Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit verantwortlich sind, vor Gericht gestellt werden und hinter Gittern kommen. Damals haben die Urteile, die nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs in Nürnberg gesprochen wurden, die überlebenden Führer des Dritten Reichs an den Galgen oder lebenslänglich ins Gefängnis gebracht.
Ganz anders urteilen heute die Vereinten Nationen: Sie haben ausgerechnet Saudi-Arabien dazu bestimmt, im Juni 2020 die Geberkonferenz der UN für den Jemen auszurichten.
Auf internationalen Druck hin hatte Saudi-Arabien im Frühjahr 2020 zwar angekündigt, vorübergehend weitere Luftangriffe auf den Jemen „aus humanitären Gründen“ zu unterlassen. Tatsächlich aber wurde weitergebombt.
Krankheiten wie Cholera, Malaria und Dengue-Fieber kommen hinzu. Allein dieses Jahr sind über 110.000 Menschen an Cholera erkrankt. Eine Cholera-Klinik, die die „Ärzte ohne Grenzen“ unter großen persönlichen Opfern aufgebaut haben, wurde im Rahmen des Kampfs um die Hafenstadt Hodeidah von saudischen Kampfflugzeugen bombardiert.
Die Angaben der „Ärzte ohne Grenzen“ werden von dem Essener Kardiologen Marwan Al-Ghafory bestätigt, auch er eine wichtige Informationsquelle über Corona im Jemen. Auch Al-Ghafory setzt sich für die Bevölkerung des Landes ein. Über die kostenlose App „Tabiby“ (mein Arzt) erreicht er im Jemen zehntausende Menschen.
Auch der Kardiologe aus dem Ruhrgebiet schätzt die Lage bei weitem schlimmer ein als offiziell gemeldet. Laut John Hopkins University soll es im Jemen derzeit rund 2000 bekannte Corona-Infektionsfälle und etwa 600 Todesfälle geben. „Aber die Infos, die unser Team herausfand, die Statistiken, die wir selber gesammelt und analysiert haben, sagen uns etwas anderes“, sagte der Arzt in einem Interview. „Wir liegen bei mehr als 100.000 Fällen, mit einer Sterberate von über 20 Prozent.“
Wichtig ist Marwan al-Ghafory in erster Linie, vor der zweiten, noch heftigeren Corona-Welle zu warnen. Die Menschen im Jemen hätten kaum Zugang zu verlässlichen Informationen. Er sagte: „Ich schreibe jeden Tag Artikel und übersetze fachmedizinische Studien. Mein Team und ich posten täglich zwischen sieben und zehn Artikel. Wir nahmen uns der Aufgabe an, unser vergessenes Volk über Covid-19 aufzuklären.“
Die Corona-Pandemie ist auch im Jemen nur der Brandbeschleuniger einer gewaltigen Katastrophe, die der Imperialismus von langer Hand angerichtet hat.
Abductees‘ Mothers Association expresses disapproval of using abducted women in prisoners‘ exchange deals, especially since the world will be celebrating United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on October 30th, while dozens of abducted women are still detained.
30 million SAR heading for Houthis seized in Lahj
The Security Forces in Lahj province foiled on Sunday, a bid to smuggle 30 million Saudi riyals into the areas under the control of the pro-Iran Houthi militias in Taiz governorate.
The Security reported that the smuggled money was seized at a checkpoint in Thor al-Baha district and it was hidden in a four-wheel drive vehicle heading towards the Houthi-held areas of Taiz.
[Hadi gov.] Yemeni Information Minister: International Efforts Failed to Persuade Houthi Militias Allowing UN Technical Team to Assess Situation of „Safer“ Oil Tanker
Yemeni Information Minister Muammar Al-Eryani affirmed that the international efforts are failed to persuade Iran-backed Houthi militias to allow the United Nations (UN) technical team to assess the situation of „Safer“ Oil Tanker.
In a statement to SABA, he added that the Houthi militias have continued for years to achieve political and financial gains via this file without any concern to the catastrophic environmental and economic consequences and losses in a case of an explosion or sinking of the Safer oil tanker.
(* B H K)
[from Iran] DIMENSIONS OF SAUDI ARABIA’S WAR CRIMES AND CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY IN YEMEN
Strategic Council Online—Interview: An expert of West Asia affairs says crimes of the United States and Saudi Arabia against the people of Yemen are unprecedented in the history of humanity and the massive sale of arms during the past five years to Saudi Arabia has emboldened the Al Saud regime to keep on its crimes and murder against the people of Yemen.
Hassan Hanizadeh told the Strategic Council Online that the war of Al Saud regime against the oppressed and impoverished people of Yemen is indeed a proxy war on behalf of the United States, the West and the Zionist regime.
“The Al Saud regime, during the past four decades has made its efforts to dominate the cultural, political and economic spheres of Yemen and after the failure of Saudi Arabia to influence the religious and political attitudes and approaches of the people of Yemen, tremendous costs have been paid by the Saudi regime to impose a war on the poverty-stricken people of Yemen. Saudi Arabia has so far spent more that 350 billion dollars in its assault on Yemen but has failed to change the realities on the ground as well as the economic and cultural status of Yemen in the favour of Riyadh.”
Hanizadeh said tens of thousands of Yemeni women and children have been killed during the past five years by Saudi Arabia and the Saudi-led coalition and about 11 million others have been displaced while a big number of people are in dire need of food and medicine.
He explained that Saudi Arabia, during the past five years, has besieged Yemen from the land, sea and air and does now allow the traffic of food and medicine, saying that two million Yemeni children are suffering from malnutrition caused as the result of the Saudi war while so far eight thousand children have been killed or injured during attacks by Saudi Arabia fighter jets fueled by the United States.
Hanizadeh added that experts of the United Nations have warned that the year 2020 is the worst year in terms of famine and diseases for Yemen being exacerbated by the outbreak of coronavirus in the country.
[from 2015] Yemen, Arab Spring and An Endless Civil War
(B K P)
[from 2015] Yemen: A full-fledged war
cp2a Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade
Siehe / Look at cp1
cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation
Siehe / Look at cp1
JEMEN: NAHRUNGSMITTELKRISE KÖNNTE TODESURTEIL FÜR VIELE KINDER SEIN
Krieg, steigende Lebensmittelpreise, ein von COVID-19 überfordertes Gesundheitssystem – im Jemen haben immer weniger Kinder Zugang zu ausreichend Nahrungsmitteln. Viele leiden an Mangelernährung und brauchen dringend Hilfe.
Allein im Süden Jemens stehen fast 100.000 Kinder unter fünf Jahren am Rande des Verhungerns. Sie sind so unterernährt, dass ihr Leben auf dem Spiel steht und die Zahlen könnten im ganzen Land noch höher sein. Save the Children unterstützt die am stärksten gefährdeten Kinder im Jemen weiterhin mit Gesundheits- und Ernährungsprogrammen. Überall im Land stellen unsere Mitarbeiter*innen immer öfter fest, dass Kinder an Unter- und Mangelernährung leiden.
Krieg und COVID-19 sind gleich zwei Hungertreiber, die dazu führen, dass die Kinder im Jemen nicht ausreichend Nahrung bekommen. Bitte unterschreiben auch Sie unsere Petition und fordern Sie gemeinsam mit uns, dass Hunger und Mangelernährung jetzt konsequent bekämpft werden.
Save the Children fordert alle Konfliktparteien auf, eine nachhaltige politische Lösung zu erarbeiten und humanitären Organisationen ungehinderten Zugang zu allen Bereichen für die Bedürftigsten zu ermöglichen.
Sechs Jahre Konflikt im Jemen: „Es geht in eine negative Richtung“
CARE-Helfer Aaron Brent berichtet aus Jemen. In dem Land hungern mehr als drei Millionen Menschen
CARE setzt die dringend benötigte humanitäre Hilfe im Land weiter fort. Für 3,2 Millionen Menschen im Jemen sind Nahrungsmittel knapp. Sie haben nicht genug zu essen. CARE leistet Lebensmittelhilfe durch monatliche Verteilungen und Bargeldhilfen. In einige Regionen wird per LKW Trinkwasser geliefert. Außerdem errichtet CARE Wasserversorgung und sanitäre Anlagen, die auch im Kampf gegen die Verbreitung des Coronavirus eine wichtige Rolle spielen.
CARE hat mit seinem Hilfseinsatz bisher 2,8 Millionen Menschen in 13 Bezirken erreicht und beschäftigt rund 300 Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter. Wie andere Hilfsorganisationen ist auch CARE von der stockenden Finanzierung der Projekte im Land betroffen. Im laufenden Jahr ist der ermittelte finanzielle Hilfsbedarf im Jemen erst zu 42 Prozent gedeckt. Zum gleichen Zeitpunkt im Vorjahr war der Bedarf bereits zu 65 Prozent ausfinanziert.
CARE fordert, die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltgemeinschaft weiter auf Jemen zu lenken, damit das Leid der Bevölkerung nicht in Vergessenheit gerät
Audio: Episode 10: Working Amid War: Assessing Cash Transfers for Nutrition in Yemen
How do you carry out research in the middle of one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world: the civil war in Yemen?
This episode features IFPRI Research Fellow Sikandra Kurdi who, in a conversation with Sivan Yosef, tells the story of how Yemen’s Social Fund for Development and IFPRI partnered on the evaluation of a project that gave cash transfers and nutrition education to women in rural Yemen. But when civil war broke out across the country, the Social Fund had to figure out how to keep the project going, and even expand it. The story reflects the determination of IFPRI’s partners in reaching the most vulnerable people in the world and how, against all odds, research showed that nutrition interventions can still work in humanitarian settings.
‘The community respects us’: how solar projects are empowering women in Yemen
In rural Yemen, many people have no access to power or are reliant on polluting diesel generators. A project is working to change that, while empowering women
In Yemen, opportunities for women to earn an independent living are few. One group of women have found ongoing employment by building a solar microgrid providing energy for their rural community.
The 10 women, who live in the Abs district in the north of the country close to the border with Saudi Arabia, set up the 26.8kW-capacity microgrid in January 2019. Now, it is providing the women with a sustainable income and allowing them to develop professional skills.
“At first, they made fun of us, that we want to do men’s work. But now, the community is respecting us as we are business owners,” said Iman Ghaleb, one of the microgrid owners. “This project has built the trust and broken the red line in dealing with men. We are now contributing to the family monthly budget to cover food and other life requirements.”
(* B H)
Film: „Malnutrition and acute malnutrition in the child is just putting their lives at risk. It also affects the cognitive and physical development of children“, Philippe Duamelle, Representative of @UNICEF_Yemen told @AJENews
Film by UNFPA: Transforming Health Facilities in Yemen
Transforming the Hyfan Health Centre in Taizz to provide comprehensive maternity health services is having immediate impact on saving the lives of women and girls, especially those pregnant.
(* B H)
Uniting women peacebuilders in Yemen during COVID-19
In Yemen, COVID-19 has exacerbated one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Yemen is dealing with its sixth year of unrelenting conflict, which has devastated the country’s healthcare system and economy. Yet women peacebuilders and human rights defenders continue working to better their communities. Noura from the National Organisation of Development (NODS) and Sharooq from Improve Your Society Organisation (IYSO) share their experiences as women in Yemen and discuss how a Whatsapp-based peacebuilding course has helped them during the pandemic.
“Violence against women has increased significantly [since the conflict began],” adds Sharooq, a training coordinator for IYSO. “The [inequality] gap between women and men has increased, and the security situation is adding an extra barrier for women – the more insecure the situation is, the more restrictions to movement women and girls face.”
Since the escalation of conflict in 2014, women-led organisations and women activists have been at the forefront of working to improve conditions for communities across the country, from tackling infrastructure damage to roads, hospitals and housing, to building awareness of harmful and violent practices in communities and against women and girls, and training volunteers to be active members of society. Women throughout Yemen play a significant role in creating change in their communities and leading initiatives when they have the necessary support and opportunities to do so from their communities. But peacebuilding activities have taken a backseat to the growing pandemic as communities pause to better understand new concerns related to COVID-19.
Supporting civil society remotely
In May this year, Saferworld began a new round of our WhatsApp-based Participatory Peacebuilding course, first introduced in 2016 as a way to unite peace activists during the conflict.
This year, the course was adapted to the COVID-19 lockdown restrictions that had limited people’s movement and peacebuilding projects in communities. Staff from 13 of our partner organisations in Yemen took part in the training, including Noura and Sharooq.
For Yemeni women facing restrictions to movement due to the pandemic and ongoing conflict, remote training tools have not only provided learning and skills, but a space for interaction and mutual support to aid their mental health. “[The course] allowed me to share my story,” Noura concludes. As COVID-19 continues to affect communities across the country, such outlets will remain essential in Yemen’s path to recovery and peace.
(* B H)
UN fehlt mehr als die Hälfte des Geldes für Jemen-Hilfe
Den Vereinten Nationen fehlen mehr als die Hälfte der 2020 benötigten Gelder für die Unterstützung der Menschen im Jemen. Um Leben zu retten, müssten Geberländer dringend mehr Gelder bereitstellen, erklärte ein Sprecher des Welternährungsprogramms am Dienstag in Genf. Bis Mitte Oktober seien erst 1,43 Milliarden US-Dollar (1,21 Milliarden Euro) eingetroffen, die für Lebensmittel, Unterkünfte, Medikamente und andere Hilfsgüter in dem Konfliktland ausgegeben werden. Für das gesamte Jahr veranschlagen die UN 3,2 Milliarden US-Dollar (2,7 Milliarden Euro) für die humanitäre Unterstützung, betonte der WFP-Sprecher, Tomson Phiri.
https://www.evangelisch.de/inhalte/177433/27-10-2020/un-fehlt-mehr-als-die-haelfte-des-geldes-fuer-jemen-hilfe = https://www.welt-sichten.org/nachrichten/38293/un-fehlt-mehr-als-die-haelfte-des-geldes-fuer-jemen-hilfe
(* B H)
Jemen – Dramatischer Finanzierungsrückgang für humanitäre Hilfe
CARE-Länderdirektor Brent verweist auf verstärkte Kampfhandlungen und Gefahr der Hungersnot im Bürgerkriegsland
Im Bürgerkriegsland Jemen macht ein dramatischer Finanzierungsrückgang den humanitären Helfern zu schaffen. Die Einstellung von Hilfsmitteln, etwa von der US-Regierung, haben dramatische Auswirkungen, zum Beispiel auf die Versorgung mit sauberem Wasser und Hygienemaßnahmen im Norden des Landes, sagte Aaron Brent, Länderdirektor der Hilfsorganisation CARE für Jemen, am Dienstag in einer Online-Pressekonferenz.
Seine eigene Organisation, die seit 1992 im Jemen tätig ist, rechne an sich mit einem Jahresbudget von 50 Mio. US-Dollar (42,30 Mio. Euro), schilderte er. Für das nächste Jahr sei allerdings erst eine Finanzierung von 10 Mio. Dollar gesichert: „Das ist ein dramatischer Rückgang.“
Brent, der in der Hauptstadt Sanaa lebt, verwies außerdem auf die verstärkten Kampfhandlungen in manchen Regionen des Landes in den vergangene Monaten: „Wir haben derzeit 43 aktive Fronten im Jemen“, 150.000 Menschen hätten allein im Jahr 2020 flüchten müssen. Der CARE-Länderdirektor verwies zudem auf die schwierige Ernährungssituation in dem Bürgerkriegsstaat: Laut der internationalen Ernährungsskala IPC haben derzeit 3,2 Mio. Menschen im Jemen eine sehr unsichere Versorgung mit Nahrungsmitteln, in manchen Regionen an der Westküste des Landes reicht das mittlerweile sogar bis zur akuten Hungersnot. „Wenn einmal die Phase der Hungersnot erreicht ist, ist es sehr schwierig, davon wieder wegzukommen.“
Bezüglich der Covid-19-Situation gibt es in dem Land keine zuverlässigen Daten, beklagte Brent. Seiner Ansicht nach sei die diesbezügliche Situation von April bis Juni am schlimmsten gewesen, was man etwa an den offiziellen Sterbezahlen habe ablesen können. Allerdings gebe es mittlerweile überhaupt keine Corona-Schutzmaßnahmen mehr: „Der Jemen wäre einer zweiten Welle völlig schutzlos ausgeliefert.“ Zudem spielt die Coronavirus-Pandemie für die Menschen im Land angesichts von Kämpfen, Luftangriffen, Armut und Hunger kaum eine Rolle: „Die Leute müssen jeden Tag hinausgehen und das Geld für den Tag verdienen, damit sie für den Tag etwas zu essen haben.“ Bei Krankheiten sei die Bevölkerung eher besorgt über die Ausbreitung von Cholera oder Diphtherie – „wir hatten zuletzt sogar einen Ausbruch von Kinderlähmung im Land“.
(* B H)
Severe food crisis could be death sentence for Yemeni children
“The recent numbers released on southern Yemen should serve as a loud alarm bell. More children are likely to die across the country if the crisis is not taken on quickly. The deadly combination of war and hunger is pushing thousands of children closer to starvation every day,” said Xavier Joubert, Save the Children’s country Director for Yemen.
“Children in Yemen have become collateral damage in a war that has raged for more than five years. It is horrific to think that, in just half the country, almost 100,000 children under five are on the brink of starvation – malnourished to the point their lives are on the line. And numbers may be even higher across the whole country”, Mr Joubert added.
Save the Children continues to provide health and nutrition support for the most vulnerable children in Yemen, both in the north and the south of the country.
Save the Children said that the increasing number of children going hungry is a clear indication of the deteriorating food situation in the country. Yemenis are less able to afford food because of soaring prices. The cost of a food basket in northern areas has gone up by 2,400 YER ($4 USD) since January, while families were already struggling to hold their head above water. In the south, the minimum cost for a food basket has risen by YER 6,331 ($7.70 USD), which is 15% more than what it was in the 2018 crisis.
(* B H)
UN warns of Yemen famine; no aid from Saudis, UAE, Kuwait
Lowcock said Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait “who have a particular responsibility, which they have discharged in recent years, have so far given nothing to this year’s UN plan”.
Alluding to financial pledges that have not been turned into actual contributions, he said, “It is particularly reprehensible to promise money, which gives people hope that help may be on the way, and then to dash those hopes by simply failing to fulfil the promise”.
“Continuing to hold back money from the humanitarian response now will be a death sentence for many families,” Lowcock said. “So yet again, I call on all donors to pay their pledges now and increase their support.”
(* B H)
Kinder Jemens in Not e.V.
Hilfe für Straßenkinder in Sanaa und Taiz
Bereits vor Ausbruch des Kriegs gab es im Jemen schätzungsweise 20.000 Straßenkinder; seither hat sich ihre Zahl dramatisch erhöht. Auch ältere Menschen, die ihr Obdach verloren haben und sich nicht mehr selbst versorgen können, landen auf der Straße. Es fehlt ihnen an ausreichendem Essen, an sauberem Wasser, an Medikamenten und an Schutz vor Gewalt. Die meisten Kinder sind unterernährt und leiden an verschiedenen Krankheiten.
Der Verein Kinder Jemens in Not e.V. wird mit Ihrer Hilfe einigen dieser Kinder in den beiden größten Städten Sanaa und Taiz eine Überlebensschance geben. Den Kindern wird eine Unterkunft verschafft, sie werden mit Lebensmitteln und medizinischer Hilfe versorgt. Das kurzfristige Ziel ist, 20 Kinder auf diese Weise zu versorgen und die Anzahl mittelfristig auf 100 zu erhöhen. Idealerweise sind Familien im Jemen zu finden, die diese Kinder aufnehmen und dafür vom Verein unterstützt werden.
Die Idee bei diesem Projekt ist folgende: In vielen Familien, in denen der versorgende Elternteil dem Krieg zum Opfer gefallen ist, müssen die Kinder die Schule verlassen, um als Straßenhändler oder auf andere Weise Geld für die Familie zu verdienen. Wir ermöglichen solchen Kindern, wieder zur Schule zu gehen. In Sanaa läuft das Projekt bereits; in Taiz wird es erst beginnen, wenn sich die Sicherheitslage für die Helfer des Vereins verbessert hat.
Spendenziel: 4000 € / monatlich, entsprechend der Versorgung von 100 Kindern.
Projektstart: Das Projekt läuft seit Dezember 2017; momentan versorgen wir 42 Kinder und deren Familien
Map: Yemen: Access Constraints as of 27 October 2020
(* B H)
MATERNAL HEALTH IN YEMEN AND CHILDBIRTH
Yemen’s Maternal Health Crisis: Before the Civil War
Even before the war began in 2015, pregnant women were struggling to get the help they needed. Yemen is one of the most impoverished countries in the world — ranking at 177 on the Human Development Index (HDI). Poverty is a large factor in the insufficiency of maternal health in Yemen as impoverished women lack the finances, nutrition, healthcare access and education to deliver their babies safely.
Many Yemeni women are unaware of the importance of a trained midwife during childbirth. Of all the births in rural areas, 70% happen at home rather than at a healthcare facility. Home births increase the risk of death in childbirth as the resources necessary to deal with complications are not available.
The Yemeni Civil War Increased the Maternal Health Crisis
Since the civil war began, the maternal mortality rate in Yemen has spiked from five women a day in 2013 to 12 women a day in 2019. A variety of factors caused this spike. The war has further limited access to nearly every resource, including food and water. This, in turn, depletes the health of millions of women and thus their newborns.
Also, the civil war has dramatically decreased access to healthcare across the nation. An estimated 50% of the health facilities in the country are not functional as a result of the conflict. Those that are operational are understaffed, underfunded and unable to access the medical equipment desperately needed to help the people of Yemen. This especially affects pregnant women — who require medical care to give birth safely.
(* B H)
Funded by WFP The emergency food aid project reaches to more than 65,000 families in Lahj and Taiz last September
The food insecurity rate is 10 million, or 44.5%. The governorates of Lahj and Taiz are among today’s conflict areas, where people suffer from extreme poverty and food insecurity. They are in desperate need of help. This is the reason behind the emergence of the emergency food aid project implemented by the CSSW with the support and funding of the World Food Program (WFP).
WFP seeks to ensure food security by providing emergency food aid to low-income families and a food ration every month. The project included three main components: food aid, food vouchers, and cash assistance.
The project manager, Mr. Abdullah Moqbel, explained that the project targeted (10) districts in Lahj governorate and Sala district in Taiz governorate. He pointed out that about (65,865) families have benefited from the emergency food aid project that was implemented by CSSW in partnership with WFP last September 2020.
Moqbel added that the project has taken a specific and clear mechanism according to precise criteria, as families that need urgent intervention with food aid in each targeted district were selected according to the specified criteria, indicating that the distribution process complies with the requirements of public safety and precautionary measures to confront Covid-19 disease and educate the target areas with the disease.
My comment: CSSW is a charity linked to pro-Hadi government Islah Party:
Islah Charity Society slams Houthis’ use of its logo
Funded by Partners Relief and Development and Karmagawa more than 500+ families in Bani Mater area of Sana’a received today from @monarelief food aid baskets. #Yemen Please let’s keep doing that. @monareliefye (photos)
Real time pictures @monarelief ’s team distributing now food aid baskets to the most vulnerable families in #Yemen. The project will target 1000+ families based on a fund by Partners Relief and Development and Karmagawa (photos)
Film: Citizens from villages in Ibb and Lahj governorates succeed in building roads on their own to their areas to facilitate the supply of basic materials, the transfer of patients and removal of bodies.
Mirror man’s picture of Yemeni mine-victim amputee, 9, earns major commendation
This heartbreaking image of an amputee in Yemen has earned Mirror photographer Philip Coburn a commendation in a major competition.
Salah Al Wahbei, nine, had lost his leg after standing on a landmine in the war-torn country.
Philip took the picture last year in his first frontline war assignment since losing both his own legs in a blast while working in Afghanistan in 2010.
The image of Salah in the hospital was awarded a “Remarkable Artwork” commendation in the Documentary and Photojournalism section of the 2020 Siena International Photo Awards (photo)
cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees
(B H K)
[Hadi] Gov’t: Unprecedent flow of displaced people to Marib
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mohammed Al-Hadhrami, said on Tuesday that the Houthis’ constant persecution against civilians has led to overflow of internally displaced people (IDPs) to Marib that overwhelms the public service.
In a video online meeting with the Chief of the International Organization of Migration (IOM) Mission to Yemen, Christa Rottensteiner, Al-Hadhrami affirmed on the need to an independent relief center in Marib to address the growing number of IDPs.
RDP | FSL Humanitarian Story | Oct 2020 | Yemen – When Children Are Tortured By Poverty
Ahmed Salem is a father of sixteen children who moved with his family from Ibb governorate to settle in Rada’a district of Al-Bayda governorate. “I believe this crisis is meant to break us and make us give in. My children and I still live on charity and eat leftovers given by restaurants. It is really a shameful and painful feeling when you see yourself unable to meet the needs of your family and unable to protect your children or raise them properly,” Ahmed stated.
Ahmed and his children spend much time sittng beside random markets and restaurants where they can get little money and leftovers to be able to satisfy their dire needs. Ahmed added, “Every day, I see my children begging from the passing shoppers, tolerating the dying sunshine in order to bring the minimum family-requirements.” The unimaginable pain and suffering of this family comes to a point when enough is enough!
(* B H)
Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 29 October 2020
As of now, the Protection Cluster led by UNHCR has 20 functioning community centres out of which UNHCR is managing 12 in strategic locations including in the districts/governorates with high IDP concentrations, such as Marib, Al Hudaydah, Hajjah and Dhamar. As of September 2020, the Protection Cluster reached some 2,268,700 individuals with critical protection services across 21 governorates. Lack of funding led to the closure of three community centres in July 2020, which caused a severe and direct impact on persons with specific needs, who lost access to critical services such as legal assistance, psychosocial support and specialized services.
The Shelter Cluster circulated the Winterization Recommendations for 2020-2021. The Cluster estimated that, between October 2020 and February 2021, some 197,000 vulnerable families will need personal and shelter insulation and heating support through in-kind or one-time cash payments across the country.
(* B H)
UN Findings on Malnutrition in Yemen Raise Concerns Over Displaced Children
Around 26 per cent of the more than 156,000 people newly displaced this year, in the areas where the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has access, cited food as their main need. This is the second most cited need after shelter and housing, which 65 per cent of people reported as their main need. In areas where there are higher levels of displacement, like Al Hudaydah, Taizz, Al Dhale’e and Marib, higher levels of food needs have also been reported.
“Displaced Yemenis leave their homes with nothing and often find themselves seeking safety in locations where there are no job opportunities and barely enough services, including health care,” said Christa Rottensteiner, IOM Chief of Mission for Yemen.
“This can leave vulnerable people without enough food to feed their families. Given that UN partners are reporting that acute malnutrition rates among children under five are the highest ever recorded in parts of Yemen, we are extremely worried about children in displaced families.”
The situation in Marib is particularly concerning given that an escalation in hostilities has displaced over 90,000 people to the city and caused a drastic shortage of services. Displaced people in Marib report food to be one of their most urgent needs. Of the displacement sites assessed by IOM in October, some reported that food shortages were a major concern for approximately 50 per cent of their residents.
In response to food insecurity, the emergency aid kits distributed under the Rapid Response Mechanism by IOM to newly displaced families include emergency food rations. IOM also carries out livelihood support activities for displaced communities to help them generate income.
cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis
Annual agricultural festival starts in Sanaa, Yemen
Prophet’s Mohammed Birthday Celebration Begins in Yemen with fireworks in the capital Sanaa (photos)
and and endless bulk of films by Almasirah TV and Ansarullah Media Center:
referring to https://twitter.com/ahmedalashafa/status/1321543646756438025 (photos)
Houthis use war on terror to silence dissidents
The Houthis use the war on terror groups including ISIS and Al-Qaeda to crack its opponents.
Victims of this crackdown are often ordinary citizens who even do not know politics or have no specific affiliation.
Abdullah Sultant, a retailer of qat [narcotic plant leaves used by large percentage of the population] is one of those victims who never thought that he would be arrested and accused of being an ISIS member.
The Houthis arrested Sultan from his home in Sana’a in late 2019 and accused him of being a member of a terror group.
“I just refused to send my children to fight for the Houthis and that is all,” he said.
“I was at home and suddenly one of the Houthis officials knocked the door at late night. There were nine gunmen outside and they asked me to come with them,” he said.
“The Houthis official was telling me on the way that I and my family never implemented his instructions that he makes every Friday and that I obstruct the progress of their movement,” Sulatn said.
In the prison, Sultan was accused of receiving money from the pro-government forces in Marib province.
Yet, the Houthis failed to present any proof to such allegations following four-month detention.
Sana’a: Five people killed, injured as Houthi militant hurls grenade at restaurant
A Houthi militant killed two people and injured three others when he lobbed a handgrenade at a restaurant in Sana’a early Tuesday, Yemen Sport, a news website, has reported quoting “local sources.”
Foreign Minister to Iran Ambassador: Iran’s Position Calling for End Aggression Appreciated by All Yemeni People
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Eng. Hisham Sharaf Abdullah, Tuesday, received a copy of the credentials of Hassan Erlo, Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Republic of Yemen.
During the meeting, the Foreign Minister welcomed the Iranian ambassador, wishing him success in his duties.
He appreciated Iran’s position calling for an end to the imposed aggression and siege on Yemen, which is appreciated by all the Yemeni people.
The Foreign Minister expressed his aspiration to enhance bilateral relations between the two countries in various fields.
Iranian envoy in Sana’a promises to help Yemeni people
Iran will spare no effort to make peace in Yemen and end the Yemeni people sufferings, Iran’s recently appointed ambassador to Sana’a said Tuesday.
Assigning an Iranian envoy reflects the deep relations with Yemen, Hassan Irlo added while officially presenting his credentials to the Houthi foreign minister, Hisham Sharaf, who appreciated Iran’s stance calling for the „aggression“ be ended and blockade be lifted.
Iran ambassador to #Houthis appears in Sana’a for first time since he covertly arrived in Sana’a earlier this month, and presented his credentials today Houthi government which is not internationally-recognized. (photo)
Houthis vow to bolster Iran ties as Tehran’s new Hezbollah-linked ‚ambassador‘ makes appearance
The Houthis said on Tuesday they wanted to strengthen ties with Iran as the militia’s officials appeared with Tehran’s new representative to the area of Yemen under their control.
Iran’s representative, Hassan Eyrlo, said Iran would make every effort to achieve peace in Yemen, as he presented his diplomatic credentials.
(* A P)
Interior: Security agencies have gained access to Hassan Zaid‘ assassination perpetrators
The Ministry of Interior confirmed that the security services on Wednesday were able after careful monitoring and follow-up to reach the perpetrators of the assassination of Martyr Hassan Zaid, led by the intelligence services of the US and Israel aggression countries.
The ministry said in a statement that after carrying out the sinful crime, the security services began to go down to the scene of the crime and carry out the investigation and follow-up procedures.
Which led to the detection of the identity of the perpetrators, namely the criminal motorcycle driver Yasser Ahmed Saad Jaber Muthanna and the direct executor of the shooting criminal Ibrahim Saleh Abdullah al-Juba and after the completion of the information department was circulated to all security points with the necessary information to arrest the criminals carrying out the crime.
The information indicated that they fled towards Dhamar province, and the presence of the criminals was known and pursued until they arrived in the district of Maifah Anes entrance to the Horoor area, and with the help of honorable people from the area the entrance was surrounded and a large security deployment was carried out.
When calling for their surrender, the criminals started shooting at the security men and threw an attack bomb, injuring one of the security men, killing the criminal Ibrahim Saleh Abdullah al-Juba and seriously injuring the criminal Yasser Ahmed Saad Jaber and killed him.
The security services confirmed that they are tracking the movements of the cells of the states of aggression with great accuracy and vigilance and will repel any attempt to undermine security and disturb the public tranquility.
(* A P)
Houthi-Minister im Jemen von unbekannten bewaffneten Männern in der Hauptstadt des Landes „ermordet“.
Jemens vom Iran unterstützte Houthi-Bewegung hat den Tod seines Jugend- und Sportministers angekündigt, der am Wochenende in der Hauptstadt Sanaa erschossen wurde und „kriminelle Elemente“ der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Militärkoalition für seine Ermordung verantwortlich machte.
Hassan Zaids Familie bestätigte, dass der Minister im Krankenhaus an Schussverletzungen starb, nachdem Angreifer in der Nähe des Stadtteils, in dem sich Botschaften befinden, das Feuer auf sein Auto eröffnet hatten.
Es wurde berichtet, dass Zaids Tochter zu diesem Zeitpunkt das Auto fuhr und sich bei der Schießerei schwere Verletzungen zugezogen hatte. Sie wird derzeit im Krankenhaus behandelt.
Die Houthi-Bewegung erklärte das “Attentat” zu einem Teil einer “Verschwörung gegen nationale Persönlichkeiten” und beschuldigte die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Koalition, hinter dem Mord zu stehen. Die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Koalition hat auf den Vorwurf nicht reagiert, und zum Zeitpunkt des Schreibens hat niemand die Verantwortung für die Schießerei übernommen.
Der jemenitische politische Führer Mahdi al-Mashat hat versprochen, “die Täter so schnell wie möglich zu verhaften, um die kriminellen Pläne zur Destabilisierung der Sicherheit zu vereiteln”.
(* A P)
Houthis accuse coalition of assassinating youth and sports minister
The Houthi group on Tuesday accused a Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen of assassinating youth and sports minister in its government, Hassan Zaid.
Criminal elements working for the coalition intercepted the car of Zaid while he was driving along with his daughter in Sanaa earlier today, shot him dead and wounded his daughter seriously, the group’s interior ministry said in a statement.
„This criminal act comes within the coalition’s scheme to target the national cadre,“ it said, pointing out that an investigation is underway.
A gunman on a motorbike gunned down Zaid in Haddah in downtown Sanaa and ran away before the security forces got there.
He was a politician within the Joint Meeting Parties, the main opposition coalition during the era of the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh. In 2014, he was appointed a minister in the transitional government until the Houthis ousted the government later in the year.
In 2015, he was appointed the youth and sports minister in the Houthi salvation government.
Later, he was put on a list of 40 Houthi leaders wanted by the coalition which intervened in support of the internationally recognised government in March 2015. The coalition announced a reward of $10 million for information leading to his arrest or his whereabouts.
US Is Responsible for Assassination of the Minister of Youth and Sports, Hassan Zaid: Mohammad Al-Houthi
A member of the Supreme Political Council, Mohammad Ali Al-Houthi, held US and the coalition countries responsible for the assassination of the Minister of Youth and Sports, Hassan Zaid, who was assassinated Tuesday, in the capital, Sana’a.
Al-Houthi said during his visit to the family of the martyr, Mr. Hassan Zaid in the hospital, that the martyr was a civilian man, considering that targeting him is a political crime that is added to crimes of the aggressive alliance.
We hold US responsible for his assassination, and we also hold the countries of aggression responsible for what happened to the martyr, and the security forces will arrest all the individuals that implement the enemy’s plans.
(* A P)
Houthi official gunned down in Yemeni capital
A Houthi official was killed on Tuesday by gunmen in the Yemeni capital Sanaa, in a rare assassination of a civilian official in the armed movement that controls the city.
Hassan Zaid, minister of sports and youth in the Houthi administration, died in hospital from his wounds after gunmen opened fire on his car in an area of the capital that houses embassies, two sources close to his family told Reuters.
Houthi-run Al Masirah television confirmed the killing, citing the group’s interior ministry as saying Zaid was assassinated by “criminal elements” linked to a Saudi-led military coalition engaged in Yemen. It said Zaid’s daughter was also in the car and was seriously injured.
(* A P)
Gunmen kill ‚wanted‘ Yemeni rebel minister
Hassan Zaid, minister for youth and sports in the Huthi administration, was wanted by the Saudi-led coalition, which had offered a $10 million bounty for information leading to his arrest.
In 2017, Zaid sparked anger when he proposed suspending school for a year and sending pupils and teachers to the frontline instead.
The Huthi interior ministry said Zaid was driving his car when it was shot at, leading to his „martyrdom“ after suffering serious injuries.
They said an investigation into the attack — a rare occurrence in Sanaa — is under way.
However, they indicated that the Saudi-led coalition was responsible, describing it as a „criminal act and part of the aggressors‘ plan to target national figures“.
Yemen: Houthi minister of youth ‘assassinated’ in Sanaa
Zaid, 66, was a leading opposition figure during the reign of the toppled regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh.
He joined the Houthi administration in 2014 after his appointment as a minister of state following the movement’s capture of Sanaa, then was later appointed as youth minister for the Houthi-run government.
Last year, a senior Houthi official and brother of the movement’s leader was killed in Sanaa.
Houthis minister of youth was assassinated in Sanaa today. He once said “if the war stops, we [Hashemites] will fight each other door to door. It’s what we’ve done throughout our history [when we ruled].
Also he once called for the closure of schools for an entire year to send students & their teachers to fight.
President Al-Mashat Directs Security Services to Redouble Efforts to Arrest Killers of Minister of Youth and Sports
Assassination of Minister of Youth and Sports Planed by US-Saudi Aggression
Ministry of Interior announced, Tuesday, the assassination of the Minister of Youth and Sports, Mr. Hassan Zaid, by the US-Saudi aggression in the capital, Sana’a.
„This morning, in the capital, Sana’a, Minister of Youth and Sports, Mr. Hassan Zaid, was martyred in an assassination carried out by criminal group affiliated to US-Saudi aggression,“ the security media website of the Ministry of Interior said.
He added that the criminal individuals intercepted the car of the Minister of Youth and Sports, which his daughter was driving, and shot him and his daughter, seriously injuring his daughter.
The Ministry of Interior stressed that this criminal act is part of the aggression plan to target national figures and cadres, stressing that investigations and security follow-up are ongoing, and the perpetrators will be brought to justice.
Ansarullah Political Office: Mr. Hassan Zaid Was Among US-Saudi Wanted List
Ansarullah political office mourned the Minister of Youth and Sports, Hassan Zaid, Tuesday who was martyred by criminal individuals of the US-Saudi aggression.
The political office of Ansarullah said in a statement: „At a time when our Yemeni people are mobilizing to commemorate the birth of the Prophet Mohammed PBUH, the countries of aggression continue implementing their criminal plans, assassinating Minister of Youth and sports while driving his car with his daughter, who was severely injured. „
The office indicated that the countries of aggression had declared Mr. Hassan Zaid among the wanted list, and had set a reward for those who gave information and helped them in the implementation of their treacherous crime.
The Sana’a Lawyers Association condemns the Houthi’s kidnapping and detention of lawyer Abdullah Shaddad and demanded his immediate release. The Syndicate said that it „received a report that“ Shaddad „was kidnapped yesterday, Saturday, by a Houthi group led by Colonel Hilal Galfan, who works in the Capital Investigation Department, in a“ criminal and barbaric „act.
Spent the day talking w/ families of 4 still detained journalists by Houthis. No words can describe the families’ heartbreak. Nothing justifies continuing to imprison them. More details coming soon in an @hrw statement. Meanwhile, Houthi armed group must release ALL journalists!
I spoke also with some of the released journalists. “We are devastated. Nearly 6 years of detention were the bleakest years of our lives,” one told me. The stories of horror & mistreatment I heard by the journalists, with the hands of Houthi prison officers are shocking
Coalition-deceived men released in Dhamar
About 32 people, who had been deceived by the Saudi-led coalition forces, were freed on Monday in Dhamar province.
„The release is a part of the celebration activities of the anniversary of the Prophet Mohammed’s birthday,“ Dhamar governor Mohammad al-Bukhaiti said.
(* B H)
On the violations committed against the rights of the Charitable Society for Social Welfare (CSSW – Yemen)
At a time when Yemen is passing through the worst humanitarian disaster in the world, including security incidents and major political and economic crises, that cast a negative shadow over the nature and reality of humanitarian work in Yemen, and the deterioration of the humanitarian situation due to the armed conflict, and at a time when the role of charities and humanitarian organizations must be intensified in relief programs and ensuring human security and social stability, charitable organizations and institutions were a target for the control of the Houthi armed group, especially the Charitable Society for Social Welfare (CSSW), the largest charitable organization working in Yemen in implementing service and development projects that meet the needs of the population in Yemen and benefit thousands annually in all governorates of Yemen.
Over the past five years, the Houthi group has practiced a policy of restrictions on the CSSW represented in the systematic prevention of carrying out its humanitarian activities and freezing its bank accounts. And in parallel with these violations and practices the politicization of the Association and its humanitarian projects, so it was included in the list (funds and property of traitors) as a pretext to storm its offices, seize its assets, and replace a false and illegal entity, impersonating the Association’s name, character and representation.
Up to what was recently published by the Yemeni News Agency Saba, affiliated to the armed Houthi group, about the coup government’s intention to confiscate the CSSW and turn it into a governmental institution, which is a blatant violation of the provisions of the Constitution, law and international conventions that prohibit the confiscation of public funds and property in any way, which is a dangerous trend that comes within the framework of undermining charitable work, holding its breath, and destroying the structure of civil society.
Explosion leaves two wounded in Taiz
Yemeni Parliament condemns French president remark
According to human rights activists, a 14-year-old girl was abducted by four armed Houthi men and taken to an unknown destination.
Houthis impose illegal tax on citizens in Ibb
The Houthis militants imposed illegal taxes on merchants and commercial shops in Ibb province, central Yemen.
Well informed sources said that the Houthis continue intimidating businesses and citizens using the pretext of collecting money for the celebration of Prophet Mohammed’s birthday.
The Houthis shut down shops and imprison staff when owners refuse to pay the money.
The sources said that the Houthis force every running business including restaurants and commercial shops in Ibb to raise green flags and install green lights on streets.
Yemeni scholars call for strengthened Islamic unity
In a statement issued at the conclusion of the Yemeni Scholars Conference, held in the capital Sana’a on Sunday, the scholars affirmed the necessity of adhering to the rulings of Islam and its Sharia.
The scholars pointed out that it is the duty of everyone to consolidate the values of love, intimacy, tolerance, and the etiquette of Islam and its noble values of truthfulness, honesty, purity, integrity, chivalry, fairness, and fairness.
They noted the need to seize the memory of the birth of the Prophet (may Allah bless him and his family and grant him peace), to consolidate and glorify these noble values and virtuous morals in the hearts of Muslims.
The scholars stressed “the need for scholars, preachers, orators, and thinkers to carry out their religious duty to educate, guide, and give advice according to the words of the Almighty.”
They also called on the National Salvation Government, the Ministry of Information, and the relevant authorities to take measures and steps to protect young people from “intellectual invasion through the media that promote moral decay and lack of religion.”
Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp6 – cp19
Vorige / Previous:
Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-689 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-689:
Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:
(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)
Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:
Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:
Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films: